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III

Translate the following texts into English.

Превентивная война — война захватническая, в этом нет сомнения. Она не может подходить под определение справедливой оборонительной войны. Такое заявление сделал председатель католической организации «Справедливость и мир».

«Каждое государство имеет право защищаться от нападения, — уточнил он, — но это должно быть реальное нападение, а не вероятность агрессии. Вначале должна быть агрессии, а пнем отпетый, оборонительный удар, а не наоборот».

Индия пристально следит за ракетно-ядерными программами Пакистана и предпринимает соответствующие меры на случай применения на ее территории ядерного или биологического оружия. Об этом проинформировал министр обороны страны верхнюю палату парламента. Индия делает все, подчеркнул он, чтобы гарантировать защиту от атомного оружия.

Он также заявил, что Пакистан вновь открыл на своей территории лагеря и учебные центры по подготовке террористов с целью их последующей отправки в Индию для совершении террористических актов и дестабилизации обстановки в этом регионе.

Comment on the quotation:

«Against war it may be said that it makes the victor stupid and the vanquished revengeful». (Nietzsche)

SECTION С

1. Read the article and look up the meaning of the underlined words and phrases in the dictionary.

Interstate conflicts

Over the next 15 years, the international system will have to adjust to changing power relationships in key regions.

• China's potential. Estimates of China beyond five years are unpredictable. Some projections indicate that Chinese power will rise because of the growth of its economic and military capabilities. Other projections indicate that political, social, and economic pressures will increasingly challenge the stability and legitimacy of the regime. Most assessments today argue that China will seek to avoid conflict in the region to promote stable economic growth and to ensure internal stability. A strong China, others assert, would seek to adjust regional power arrangements to its advantage, risking conflict with neighbors and some powers external to the region. A weak China would increase prospects for criminality, narcotics trafficking, illegal migration, WMD proliferation, and widespread social instability.
• Russia's decline. By 2015, Russia will be challenged even more than today to adjust its expectations for world leadership to the sharply reduced resources it will have to play that role. The quality of Russian governance is an open question as is whether the country will be able to make the transition in a manner that preserves rather than breaks regional stability.
• Japan's uncertainty. In the view of many experts, Japan will have difficulty maintaining its current position as the world's third largest economy by 2015. Tokyo has so far not shown a willingness to carry through the painful economic reforms necessary to slow the erosion of its leadership role in Asia. In the absence of an external shock, Japan is similarly unlikely to accelerate changes in security policy.
• India's prospects. India will strengthen its role as a regional power, hut many uncertainties about the effects of global trends on its society cast doubt on how far India will go. India faces growing extremes between wealth and poverty, a mixed picture on natural resources, and problems with internal governance.

The changing dynamics of state power will combine with other factors to affect the risk of conflict in various regions. Changing military capabilities will be prominent among the factors that determine the risk of war. In South Asia, for example, that risk will remain fairly high over the next 15 years. India and Pakistan are both prone to miscalculation. Both will continue to build up their nuclear and missile forces.

India most likely will expand the size of its nuclear-capable force. Pakistan's nuclear and missile forces also will continue to increase. Islamabad has publicly claimed that the number of nuclear weapons and missiles it deploys will be based on «minimum» deterrence, and will be independent of the size of India's arsenal. A noticeable increase in the size of India's arsenal, however, would prompt Pakistan to further increase the size of its own arsenal.

Russia will be unable to maintain conventional forces, that are both sufficient and modern or to project significant in Hilary power with conventional means. The Russian military will increasingly rely on its declining strategic and theater nuclear arsenals to deter or, if deterrence fails, to counter large-scale conventional assaults on Russian territory.

• Moscow will maintain as many strategic missiles and associated nuclear warheads as it believes it can afford but well below START I or II⁵ limitations. The total Russian force by 2015, including air launched cruise missiles, probably will be below 2,500 warheads.
• Russia will invest scarce resources in selected and secretive military technology programs, especially WMD, hoping to counter Western conventional and strategic superiority,

China by 2015 will have deployed tens to several lens of missiles with nuclear warheads targeted against the Dinted Stales, mostly more survivable land- and sea-based mobile missiles. It also will have hundreds of shorter-range ballistic and cruise missiles for use in regional conflicts. Some of these shorter-range missiles will have nuclear warheads; most will be armed with conventional warheads as ballistic missile defense.

China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) will remain the world's largest military, but the majority of the force will not be fully modernized by 2015. China could close the technological gap with the West in one or more major weapons systems. China's capability for regional military operations is likely to improve significantly by 2015.

• China will be exploiting advanced weapons and production technologies acquired from abroad — Russia, Israel, Europe, Japan, and the United States — that will enable it to integrate naval and air capabilities against Taiwan and potential adversaries in the South China
• In the event of a peaceful resolution of the Taiwan issue, some of China's military objectives — such as protecting the sea lanes for Persian Gulf oil — could become closer to those of the United States. Nevertheless, as an emerging regional power, China would continue to expand its influence without regard to US interests.

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