The eategory of tutelary gods, referred to in Hittite texts by the logogram
Содержание книги
- Month were celebrated already in the Old Hittite period.
- Responsible for the Organization of the cult, observance of the cult calendar, and
- Ces to fourteen divinities in the temple of the Sun-goddess of Arinna and to nine others
- Position of the texts is not very clear and neither is their content. The authors re-
- Writing. 408 Some of them are bilingual and the Hittite translation corresponds quite
- Inar and Telipinu, who had been sent by the Storm-god in search of the Sun. The
- Tamian beliefs appear through the Hurrian mediation, deeply changing the world
- Complex reasons were responsible for the change in Hittite religion under the
- Continuity and change in the Hittite state pantheon and. royal ideology of the
- Nature as a mistress of wild life ehe seems to have resembled the Luwian LAMMA
- Feste tions of Telipinu from the towns of Tawiniya, Durmitta and Hanhana, oath
- T-urned to the old Capital in the reign of Mursiii III/Urhi-Tessub (c. 1273-1267), 45J
- Two solar deities being identified with one another in ritual practice. One of the texts
- Earlier on, regardless of changes in the ideology of kingship in the Empire period.
- Longer have such solid foundations as held up to now and, indeed, one might speak
- The priestcss of Kizzuwadna, Puduhepa, the Hurrian gods of Kummanni virtually took over the
- Kulitta (no. 36), Moon-god Kusuh (no. 35), Sun-god Simige of Heaven (no. 34 ), War-
- In the local pantheon next to the Sun-goddess, Mezzulla, the Hulla mountain, Zrn-
- Importance the local deities with the Queen of Katapa in the fore. The Storm-god of
- Of Karahna appears among the most important Hittite gods. One of the gods of Ka
- Centers in the region - Zalpa and the holy city of Nerik.
- Being rebuilt, the gods of the city found shelter in nearby Utruna, where Hattu
- Zalpa. The cult of these goddesses was introduced in one of the local temples )
- Practically only from texts found in the Hittite Capital Hattusa. Naturally, this knowl-
- KBo 9.143 iii 10; KUB 35.107 iii 10. Cf. Watkins 1993: 469.
- The eategory of tutelary gods, referred to in Hittite texts by the logogram
- Stood at the head of the pantheon of Karkamis, In the Deeds of Suppiluliuma I his
- Aaiong the divine witnesses right after the war-gods and next to the chthonic Allatu
- Ite deities: Pirwa, Askasepa and the Queen (3.2.6). Maliya is summoned offen to
- Suwasuna, Wandu, Siuri, lyasalla(ssi), Wistassi, fertility deity Xmarsi, Ayanti, Walwa-
- It is not known whether the Storm-god of Hurma is identical with the local allomorph of the
- And Hurri (Tilla in the eastern tradition); 661 in the west he also had two Syrian
- Cult of Tessub and Hebat of Halab, ehief pair of the dynastic pantheon (see 3.2.2),
- According to Hurrian spells from Ugarit, Ishara was worshiped in Syria in the fol.lowi.ng main
- Mother and fate goddesses DINGIR.MAH ’ /Darawes Gulses are the main
- Popko - Taracha 1988: 88ft. 101 ff., 109; Archi 1993b; 2006: 154, 156.
- Treated as a unity (Hebat-Sarrumma, Hebat-Allanzu, Ninatta-Kulitta, Ishara-
- A god and goddess by the sacred pond in Eflatun Pmar, 28 km northwest of Fasil-
- Scribes, waterbearers, potters, smiths, brewers, other craftsmen and shepherds. 766
- To the gods of the main towns - the list of fbrty centers scattered from the estuary
- Ponds, which were scattered all over Hittite territory, were given a monumental
- Hattusili III, 1000 sheep were given to the Storm-god of Nerik on the occasion of
- KBo 22.246 iii 21’ff. (with its duplicate KUB 42.103 iv): “18 festivals of the Storm-god of Halab,
- To Arinna. On the way, he performed rituals at holy groves near the towns of Kulil-
- Houwink ten Cate 1988; Karasu 1988; Haas 1994a; 827ff.; Nakamura 1998; 2001; 2002: cf. also
- Tradition of Old Hittite incantations. As most literary genres, the Hittite royal prayers
- High priest of Tessub and Mebat in Kizznwatna dunng the reign of bis brother
- The ominous signifier and the second clause, the apodosis, the signified. This type of
- Or unsolicited omens really were messages, where the king should spend the winter,
- Ler 1978; de Koos 1984; van den Hout 1994b; de Roos 2007.
LAMMA borrowed from Mesopotamia, is characteristic of Luwian beliefs.'’.These
Were earthly divinities, just like all the gods protecting the countryside, household
And family. These gods, the Luwian Annari/ Annarumenzi and Hittite Innara/
Innarawantes, were assigned the role of guardians of particular deities, the king
And queen, parts of the body, senses, mental States, and all categories of objects,
As if all aspects of human existence and action needed their own tutelary
Deity. The list of the LAMMA gods is extensive, especially in texts from the period
Of intensified Luwian expansion into central and northem Asia Minor in the thir-
Teenth Century BC.
Laroche 1955b; 1962; Haas - Prechel 1993-1997; Hutter 2003: 227f.
Laroche 1988a: nos IBlff.
584 Cf. Lebrun 1987a: 244f>; Popko 1995a: 168.
Zeiifelder 1998: 438ff. i 443ff.
588 Cf. KUB 35.102 ii 11, iii 1: KUB 44,4+ rev. IfiL Beckman 1983: 177,
KUB 56.13 rev. 23. Haas 1994a: 374.
See now Popko 2007a: 66ff.; cf. also Hutter 2003: 229f.
i
The Empire Period
111
The most important of the Luwian tutelary gods was Kurunta/i(ya), attested as
Runti(ya) in sources of the first millennium BC,° b: ’ a deity whose sacred animal was
a stag. Theophoric names eonfirm the survival of his worship (as ‘PcovSac or ‘Pov-
In Greek sources), especially in Cilicia (Corycus) and Pisidia, until Hellenistic
590 *
Times. A thirteenth Century description of a cult image can be linked most prob-
ably with Kurunti(ya): “The tutelary deity (D LAMMA); a gold-plated cult image of
A Standing man with gold-plated eyes. In his right hand he holds a silver lance; in
His left hand he holds a shield. He Stands on a stag. Beneath hiiri is a silver-plated
591
Base.” ln other representations he was armed with a bow and arrows. The weapons,
Understandable in the case of a tutelary god, point to the resemblance between the
LAMMA gods and divinities of war and hunting.
The latter function was connected in particular with the Tutelary God of the
Countryside, D LAMMA LtL IgimraS D LAMMA or CEBVUS 3.DEÜS *463-«i (the Steg-
592
god / Kurunti(ya) of the Countryside),' who appears (with his consort Ala) in the
text of the EMIRGAZi altars from the times of Tuthaliya IV,'’ 93 as well as in hiero-
Glyphic inscriptions of the first millennium BC. d94 The hunting aspect of the
Stag-god is emphasized in a new EMIRGAZI fragment and the YALBÜRT block 10
(§ 4f.) from the times of Tuthaliya IV; “The Stag-god lovesfi), and I (am) Hero,
Field-Master(?), Hunter(?), Great King” ' A distant echo of this thirteenth Century
topos can be found in the eighth Century BOHQA inscription (§ 4f.), itself apparentiy
According to J.D. Hawkins (apud Herbordt 2005: VHI.3.2, excursus 2-3, and Hawkins 2006: 51),
The late period loss of initial ku- might already be occurring in the Empire period, especially
When the divine name was used as an onomastic eie ment.
Lebrun 1987a: 248; Popko 1995a: 168.
591 KUB 38-2 ii 24ff„ Hoffner 2002: 65 with references.
McMahon 1991: 44ff.; Hawkins 2004.
Hawkins 1995: 86ff.; 2006: 54ff. Cf. the silver rhyton in the shape of a stag’s forequarters from
the Norbert Schimmel Collection, Muscarella (ed.) 1974: no. 123; Alp 1983a: 9311.; 1988; Güterbock
Taracha 1996. The cult scene from its neck shows offerings to the Stag-god
(DEUS x.CERVUSx) and Ala (di)EUS X -FILIA). For the reading of the gold epigraphs on this
Rhyton, see Hawkins 2006: 52.
Hutter 2004b.
Hawkins 2006: 58f. A scene of the stag bunt on the bronze bowl of Taprammi from Kimk-
Kastamonu (Emre - Gmaroglu 1993: 684ff. and fig. 23: Czichon 1995; Mora 2007: 516) resembies
the bunt scenes in the reliefs from Alacahöyük. A seal Impression of the same Taprammi from
Nx§antepe shows him pouring a libation to the Stag-god of the King, Herbordt 2005: no. 409.
For Taprammi, see D’Alfonso 2005: 169f. n. 616.
i
;
i
i
m
112 3. ÜITTITE AnATOIJA
Celebratmg a suceessful hunt: “I am good to Runtiva, here he grants to me the beasts
596
(as?) samaya (or: the samaya beasts).”'
Kurunti(ya)’s importanee caused the hieroglyphie sign CEEVUS, used to denote
Bis name, to Start being used in reference to other gods of the same category, not
Necessarily of Luwian origin. Karijuha is a good example. Together with Kubaba, he
|