Longer have such solid foundations as held up to now and, indeed, one might speak
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- Traditionai structure of the local pantheon with a nature goddess at the head to
- At the time also with the logograms NIN.URTA and URAS started being used
- An unpublished text 1320/z which mentions the Storm-god of Ziplanda (obv. 8’, IO 1 ) and Anzili
- To Hattian Katahzipuri, 298 which may suggest that the goddess, who was worshiped
- Ion and the traditions of local cults in central and northern Anatolia did not change
- With war-gods and sometimes also with the deity GAL.ZU. Finde of zoomorphic vessels
- To one text, it was where people gathered during the day and the gods at
- Ready in existence in Old Hittite times. The Hittite names, however, are unknown.
- SANGA-priests. Cf. also Popko 2001a; -328.
- The cult of specific deities. The tazzeli- priest is encountered solely in the cult of Zi-
- Tions. The gods received loaves of bread and specific parts of sacrificial animals (the
- Month were celebrated already in the Old Hittite period.
- Responsible for the Organization of the cult, observance of the cult calendar, and
- Ces to fourteen divinities in the temple of the Sun-goddess of Arinna and to nine others
- Position of the texts is not very clear and neither is their content. The authors re-
- Writing. 408 Some of them are bilingual and the Hittite translation corresponds quite
- Inar and Telipinu, who had been sent by the Storm-god in search of the Sun. The
- Tamian beliefs appear through the Hurrian mediation, deeply changing the world
- Complex reasons were responsible for the change in Hittite religion under the
- Continuity and change in the Hittite state pantheon and. royal ideology of the
- Nature as a mistress of wild life ehe seems to have resembled the Luwian LAMMA
- Feste tions of Telipinu from the towns of Tawiniya, Durmitta and Hanhana, oath
- T-urned to the old Capital in the reign of Mursiii III/Urhi-Tessub (c. 1273-1267), 45J
- Two solar deities being identified with one another in ritual practice. One of the texts
- Earlier on, regardless of changes in the ideology of kingship in the Empire period.
- Longer have such solid foundations as held up to now and, indeed, one might speak
- The priestcss of Kizzuwadna, Puduhepa, the Hurrian gods of Kummanni virtually took over the
- Kulitta (no. 36), Moon-god Kusuh (no. 35), Sun-god Simige of Heaven (no. 34 ), War-
- In the local pantheon next to the Sun-goddess, Mezzulla, the Hulla mountain, Zrn-
- Importance the local deities with the Queen of Katapa in the fore. The Storm-god of
- Of Karahna appears among the most important Hittite gods. One of the gods of Ka
- Centers in the region - Zalpa and the holy city of Nerik.
- Being rebuilt, the gods of the city found shelter in nearby Utruna, where Hattu
- Zalpa. The cult of these goddesses was introduced in one of the local temples )
- Practically only from texts found in the Hittite Capital Hattusa. Naturally, this knowl-
- KBo 9.143 iii 10; KUB 35.107 iii 10. Cf. Watkins 1993: 469.
- The eategory of tutelary gods, referred to in Hittite texts by the logogram
- Stood at the head of the pantheon of Karkamis, In the Deeds of Suppiluliuma I his
- Aaiong the divine witnesses right after the war-gods and next to the chthonic Allatu
- Ite deities: Pirwa, Askasepa and the Queen (3.2.6). Maliya is summoned offen to
- Suwasuna, Wandu, Siuri, lyasalla(ssi), Wistassi, fertility deity Xmarsi, Ayanti, Walwa-
- It is not known whether the Storm-god of Hurma is identical with the local allomorph of the
- And Hurri (Tilla in the eastern tradition); 661 in the west he also had two Syrian
- Cult of Tessub and Hebat of Halab, ehief pair of the dynastic pantheon (see 3.2.2),
- According to Hurrian spells from Ugarit, Ishara was worshiped in Syria in the fol.lowi.ng main
- Mother and fate goddesses DINGIR.MAH ’ /Darawes Gulses are the main
- Popko - Taracha 1988: 88ft. 101 ff., 109; Archi 1993b; 2006: 154, 156.
- Treated as a unity (Hebat-Sarrumma, Hebat-Allanzu, Ninatta-Kulitta, Ishara-
- A god and goddess by the sacred pond in Eflatun Pmar, 28 km northwest of Fasil-
- Scribes, waterbearers, potters, smiths, brewers, other craftsmen and shepherds. 766
of the ‘Cycle of Tessub’ or the ‘Cycle of the Storm-God.’ We are therefore led to be-
Lieve that the different accounts might bear one and the same epilogue: the advent
Of the Storni-Cod at the head of the pantheon.” 41 Seeking an explanation for the
Importance of the Kumarbi cycle for the Hittite royal court, we now reeognize that
A more adequate Interpretation of these myths lies in the royal ideology of the Empire
Period. The Kumarbi cycle as a whole, which deseribes Tessub’s victory over Ku
Marbi, once the ruler of the world, and various representatives of chaos, is indeed
Part of the narrative tradition of the Chaoskampf in Syrian and Mesopotamian
Mythical and epic texts. 479
Hittite kings referred to one of Tessub’s hypostases in a special way as Tessub
(of Halah) of Kummani, place of origin of the dynasty. In the Hittite Capital he was wor-
Shiped as Tessub of Halab of Hattusa (3.2.6). His allomorphs were the Storm-god
477 KUB 21.27 i 3ff., Lebrun 1980: 330, 336; Sürenhagen 1981: 1081.; Garria Trabazo 2002; 356f.
With n. 7; Singer 2002a: 102. See also Wilhelm 2002a: 69: Arehi 2006: 148.
Corti 2007: 120.
This is also in accordance with Wyatt’s Interpretation (2007: 43ff.) of tiie Ugaritan Baal cycle
And his general Statement (p. 45) that the Chaoskampf “had an intimate relationship with rituale
Of kingship, new kings reeeiving from the gods a charter gnaranteeing divine sanciion in their
Mtlitary campaigns, so that all warfare was seen as the ongoing confiict hetween cosmos and
93
The Empire Period
muwattalli ‘Mighty’‘* Su and the Storm-god pihassassi ‘of Lightning,’ 481 conceived by
Mursili II and Muwattalli II respectively to become their personal gods (cf. 3.2.3),
The Luwian epithets that the Hurrian Storm-god was endowed with on this occa-
Sion come as no surprise, for in the Luwian milieu, which dominated in Hittite
Anatolia at the time, he bore the Luwian name Tarhunt; the Hittites called him
traditionally Tarhuna/i. ‘ 82 The Hurrian Storm-god had a significant influence on his
Luwian counterpart, but he also came to stand at the head of many local pantheons
In Southern Anatoiia as a result of a progressing Hurrianization of Luwian beliefs
(3.2.4 & 5).
The Hurrian-Kizzuwatnean pantheon of gods worshiped by the royal family as
Part of the dynastic cult also illustrates the beliefe of the Anatolian Hurrians and
Their kith and kin from northern Syria (3.2.5). The reliefs from the rock sanctuary
At Yazilikaya, less than a kilometer from Hattusa, constitute a valuable iconographic
Source. ” Contrary to what has been written on the subject, 484 Yazilikaya was not
480 Popko 2001b; cf. also Taracha 2004b: 454; 2005a: 96t; contra Hutter 2003: 221 (a Luwian gad).
Kluger 1996: 186ff., esp. 189; Popko 1998: 121ff; 2005a: 85; Taracha 2005a; 97; in contraat to
1 lütter (1995: 79ff.; 2003: 223), who considera the Storm-god of Lightning a Luwian god; cf. also
Sieger 2003.2006: 560 (“the Luwian Storm-god pihasms.ti”); Lebrun 2007: 462 (“une hypostase
Louvite du dieu de Torage de premiere importance”).
Cf., e.g., the kaluti-hst in the ritual of the priest Ammihatna (CTH 471), at the top of which we
imve the Storm-god Tarhuni (D ISKUR-m) and the ‘sacred brother of the Storm-god’ (°ISKUK
SES suppi), i.e. Tasmisu/Suwaiiyat; see Güterbock 1961a: 4; Wegner 2002: 64f., 297ff.; Strau ß
2006: 226t, 239f. Cf. also the evocation ritual for Tarhun(a), Hebst and Öarrumma (CTH 486),
Haas - Wilhelm 1974: 211 ff; Haas 1998: 106ff. (nos 53-59). On the other hand, in texts belonging
to the cult of ÖauSka of Samulja (KUB 27.1 i 47ff. with its duplicate KOB 47.64 ii 17ft, Wegner
C: 33f, 37 (no. 1), 56f. (no. 2)), all of the Anatolian storm-gods bear the name of Tessub
(B U -ub) according to their interpretatio hurritica.
Bittel - Naumann — Otto 1941; Bittel (ed.) 1975; Kohlmeyer 1983: 48ff. with references; Ehring-
Haus 2006: 14ff. Por the processions of gods, see Laroche 1948: 114ff; 1962a; Otten 1959b: 1967;
Laroche 1969a; Bittel 1975; Güterbock 1975a; 1982; Gurney 1977; 19ff.; Massen 1981; Haas
A: 633ff.
See, among others, Laroche 1952a; 1969a; 1991: 222 (“A Century later at Yazilikaya, the imperial
pantheon of Suppilukuma I was replaced by the Kizzuwatnean... pantheon of the royal couple
Hattusili and Puduhepa.”); Gurney 1977; 17 (“In the thirteenth Century, when Hattusili married
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