Tamian beliefs appear through the Hurrian mediation, deeply changing the world
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- God of Ziplanda, Katahhi of Ankuwa, and Teteshapi, whose main cult center was
- And the Hattians. ” In myths, Hapantali appears beside the Luwian goddess Kam-
- Period the goddess’s name was usually written with the logogram LAMMA, see 3.2.1)
- Theon. Some lists of gods mention Mm next to the Storm-god and the Sun-goddess
- Nerik; accordingly, offerir.gs are made to the Storm-god of Nerik, the Sun-goddess of the Earth,
- Century BC, the ceremonial throne Halmasuit was one of the cult objects in the temple
- Geneous, reflecting the ethnic differentiation of the population of the land of Haiti.
- Tral Anatolia dropped the male solar deity under the influence of Hattian beliefe
- Traditionai structure of the local pantheon with a nature goddess at the head to
- At the time also with the logograms NIN.URTA and URAS started being used
- An unpublished text 1320/z which mentions the Storm-god of Ziplanda (obv. 8’, IO 1 ) and Anzili
- To Hattian Katahzipuri, 298 which may suggest that the goddess, who was worshiped
- Ion and the traditions of local cults in central and northern Anatolia did not change
- With war-gods and sometimes also with the deity GAL.ZU. Finde of zoomorphic vessels
- To one text, it was where people gathered during the day and the gods at
- Ready in existence in Old Hittite times. The Hittite names, however, are unknown.
- SANGA-priests. Cf. also Popko 2001a; -328.
- The cult of specific deities. The tazzeli- priest is encountered solely in the cult of Zi-
- Tions. The gods received loaves of bread and specific parts of sacrificial animals (the
- Month were celebrated already in the Old Hittite period.
- Responsible for the Organization of the cult, observance of the cult calendar, and
- Ces to fourteen divinities in the temple of the Sun-goddess of Arinna and to nine others
- Position of the texts is not very clear and neither is their content. The authors re-
- Writing. 408 Some of them are bilingual and the Hittite translation corresponds quite
- Inar and Telipinu, who had been sent by the Storm-god in search of the Sun. The
- Tamian beliefs appear through the Hurrian mediation, deeply changing the world
- Complex reasons were responsible for the change in Hittite religion under the
- Continuity and change in the Hittite state pantheon and. royal ideology of the
- Nature as a mistress of wild life ehe seems to have resembled the Luwian LAMMA
- Feste tions of Telipinu from the towns of Tawiniya, Durmitta and Hanhana, oath
- T-urned to the old Capital in the reign of Mursiii III/Urhi-Tessub (c. 1273-1267), 45J
- Two solar deities being identified with one another in ritual practice. One of the texts
- Earlier on, regardless of changes in the ideology of kingship in the Empire period.
- Longer have such solid foundations as held up to now and, indeed, one might speak
- The priestcss of Kizzuwadna, Puduhepa, the Hurrian gods of Kummanni virtually took over the
- Kulitta (no. 36), Moon-god Kusuh (no. 35), Sun-god Simige of Heaven (no. 34 ), War-
- In the local pantheon next to the Sun-goddess, Mezzulla, the Hulla mountain, Zrn-
- Importance the local deities with the Queen of Katapa in the fore. The Storm-god of
- Of Karahna appears among the most important Hittite gods. One of the gods of Ka
- Centers in the region - Zalpa and the holy city of Nerik.
- Being rebuilt, the gods of the city found shelter in nearby Utruna, where Hattu
- Zalpa. The cult of these goddesses was introduced in one of the local temples )
- Practically only from texts found in the Hittite Capital Hattusa. Naturally, this knowl-
- KBo 9.143 iii 10; KUB 35.107 iii 10. Cf. Watkins 1993: 469.
- The eategory of tutelary gods, referred to in Hittite texts by the logogram
- Stood at the head of the pantheon of Karkamis, In the Deeds of Suppiluliuma I his
- Aaiong the divine witnesses right after the war-gods and next to the chthonic Allatu
- Ite deities: Pirwa, Askasepa and the Queen (3.2.6). Maliya is summoned offen to
- Suwasuna, Wandu, Siuri, lyasalla(ssi), Wistassi, fertility deity Xmarsi, Ayanti, Walwa-
- It is not known whether the Storm-god of Hurma is identical with the local allomorph of the
Outlook of the inhabitants of Hittite Anatolia, especially as far as the power elite
Was coneerned. This new religiosity found reflection in multiplying divine beings
Through the deification of all entities associated with the gods and their attributes,
As if the gods anger could be aroused by unintentional omittance of any especially
Favored aspect of his nature or attribute. The concept of divinity grew to encompass
Weather phenomena like winds, clouds, lightning and tbunder (all treated as if they
Were beings associated with the gods), as well as some abstract concepts like good-
Ness, law and Order, wisdom, joy, health. and others. These concepts wpe represented
Occasionally ander the guise of symbolic figures, for example, objects of metai.
The inhabitants of Asia Minor imagined the world of the gods in likeness to the
real world around them. 424 “By and large the gods... were human beings on a grand
scale, They were subject to the same ränge of emotions, like love, anger, fear, jeal-
Ousy; they sometimes neglected their responsibilities, they could deceive and be
Deceived, they enjoyed the pleasures of the flesh, and they liked a variety of enter-
Tainment.” 425 One text puts the case very clearly: “Are the desires of gods and men
different? In no way! Do their natures differ? In no way!” 4 “”
Kinship and the hierarchy in the pantheon structure closely resembled actual
Social relations. The gods were immortal, but no different from humans in terms of
Behavior and mental states. They were the mastere, depending on people to serve
Them with subservience and willingness to satisfy their needs. And like a bad
Servant, a man or woman remiss in his/her duties could expect to be punished. As the
God was deeply interested in being served, however, he took care of man, knowing
See, e.g., Steiner 1957-1971; Haas 1994a: 294ff.; Popko 1995a: 13111.; Beckman 1999a: 519ff.;
Bryce 200.2: 139.
426 KU ß 13.4 i. 21f., translated by Bryce 2002: 139.
•3.2. The Empuik Pebiüd 81
That otherwise the gods would suffer. Underetanding this opened the way to nego-
Tiating with a deity by showing the discrepancies in her behavior. Simiiarly as in
Mesopotamia, relations with the gods were pereeived m legal terms. Prayers bring
many examples of this Mnd of argumentation,’“' ‘ supported by vows of additional
Rieh offerings to the deity, including the erection of a new temple or cult Image
(see 3.2.7).
The cool rationalism of the Old Hittite period in relation to the gods was replaced
With time by an emotional attitude wbich is pointedly expressed in prayers and
Hymns edited according to Mesopotamian modele. One of the constituent parts was
A negative confession, listing sins wbich evidently demonstrates the adoption by the
Hittites of the Mesopotamian underetanding of guilt as a violation of divine laws,
But not at all in the sense of modern moral Standards. At the same time the bond
Tightens between man and god or a group of personal divinities. The one of a kind
Text of Hattusili III (1267-1237), commonly referred to as his Apology, is a veritable
Covenant made by the king with Sauska of Samuba. 1 The elevation of the god-
Dess is best reflected in the words: “I will celebrate Sauska’s divine providen.ee. Let
(every) man hear it and may in the future my son, grandson and further royal de-
Scendants honor Sauska among (all) the gods.” ’ The text is an invaluable source
In the debate on the origins of henotheism, which had been maturing already for
Some time in the religious thinking of elites from different lands of the Ancient
Near East and which found its first prominent representation in the reforms of
Akhenaton. Hattusili IIFs bond with Sauska constitutes an interesting parallel for
The covenant between Yahweh and Israel, which Stands at the root of henotheism in
the Israelite religion of the age of Moses. 4 “' 0
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