Position of the texts is not very clear and neither is their content. The authors re-
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- Most important States in central Anatolia, encompassing a considerable territory in
- Hittite heartland, e.g. Ankuwa, Tawiniva and Katapa, as well as the chief god of
- Palhuna / Storm-god of Ziplanda with Katahhi / Ulza, Uliw/pasu, Katarzasu / Su-
- God of Ziplanda, Katahhi of Ankuwa, and Teteshapi, whose main cult center was
- And the Hattians. ” In myths, Hapantali appears beside the Luwian goddess Kam-
- Period the goddess’s name was usually written with the logogram LAMMA, see 3.2.1)
- Theon. Some lists of gods mention Mm next to the Storm-god and the Sun-goddess
- Nerik; accordingly, offerir.gs are made to the Storm-god of Nerik, the Sun-goddess of the Earth,
- Century BC, the ceremonial throne Halmasuit was one of the cult objects in the temple
- Geneous, reflecting the ethnic differentiation of the population of the land of Haiti.
- Tral Anatolia dropped the male solar deity under the influence of Hattian beliefe
- Traditionai structure of the local pantheon with a nature goddess at the head to
- At the time also with the logograms NIN.URTA and URAS started being used
- An unpublished text 1320/z which mentions the Storm-god of Ziplanda (obv. 8’, IO 1 ) and Anzili
- To Hattian Katahzipuri, 298 which may suggest that the goddess, who was worshiped
- Ion and the traditions of local cults in central and northern Anatolia did not change
- With war-gods and sometimes also with the deity GAL.ZU. Finde of zoomorphic vessels
- To one text, it was where people gathered during the day and the gods at
- Ready in existence in Old Hittite times. The Hittite names, however, are unknown.
- SANGA-priests. Cf. also Popko 2001a; -328.
- The cult of specific deities. The tazzeli- priest is encountered solely in the cult of Zi-
- Tions. The gods received loaves of bread and specific parts of sacrificial animals (the
- Month were celebrated already in the Old Hittite period.
- Responsible for the Organization of the cult, observance of the cult calendar, and
- Ces to fourteen divinities in the temple of the Sun-goddess of Arinna and to nine others
- Position of the texts is not very clear and neither is their content. The authors re-
- Writing. 408 Some of them are bilingual and the Hittite translation corresponds quite
- Inar and Telipinu, who had been sent by the Storm-god in search of the Sun. The
- Tamian beliefs appear through the Hurrian mediation, deeply changing the world
- Complex reasons were responsible for the change in Hittite religion under the
- Continuity and change in the Hittite state pantheon and. royal ideology of the
- Nature as a mistress of wild life ehe seems to have resembled the Luwian LAMMA
- Feste tions of Telipinu from the towns of Tawiniya, Durmitta and Hanhana, oath
- T-urned to the old Capital in the reign of Mursiii III/Urhi-Tessub (c. 1273-1267), 45J
- Two solar deities being identified with one another in ritual practice. One of the texts
- Earlier on, regardless of changes in the ideology of kingship in the Empire period.
- Longer have such solid foundations as held up to now and, indeed, one might speak
- The priestcss of Kizzuwadna, Puduhepa, the Hurrian gods of Kummanni virtually took over the
- Kulitta (no. 36), Moon-god Kusuh (no. 35), Sun-god Simige of Heaven (no. 34 ), War-
- In the local pantheon next to the Sun-goddess, Mezzulla, the Hulla mountain, Zrn-
- Importance the local deities with the Queen of Katapa in the fore. The Storm-god of
- Of Karahna appears among the most important Hittite gods. One of the gods of Ka
- Centers in the region - Zalpa and the holy city of Nerik.
- Being rebuilt, the gods of the city found shelter in nearby Utruna, where Hattu
- Zalpa. The cult of these goddesses was introduced in one of the local temples )
- Practically only from texts found in the Hittite Capital Hattusa. Naturally, this knowl-
- KBo 9.143 iii 10; KUB 35.107 iii 10. Cf. Watkins 1993: 469.
- The eategory of tutelary gods, referred to in Hittite texts by the logogram
- Stood at the head of the pantheon of Karkamis, In the Deeds of Suppiluliuma I his
- Aaiong the divine witnesses right after the war-gods and next to the chthonic Allatu
Main anonymous, unlike the texts of the Empire period. Even so, the experienced
Practitioner called an Old Woman (SU.Gl) appears to have played an impor
tant role in Anatolian magic from the earliest times.‘ >JJ In Hattian milieu, magic
was practiced by the Man of the Storm-god (LÜ D ISKUR) 400 and other cult officials,
too. One example is a ritual fbr mounting a ‘wood of the bolt’ in a new temple
(CTH 725), belonging to the eategorv of foundation rituals (see beiow). It was per-
.. jj’[
Formed by the Man of Zilipuri (J zi/alipuriyatalla-), replaced in another version of
this ritual by the ‘cupbearer’ (LU a/ekuttara -) and the Man of the Storm-god. 401 The
Former acted also in a similar ceremony CTH 726. 404 In one text, the Man of the
Storm-god, M akuttara- and LV zilipuriyatalla- are mentioned together 403 Some
Purificatory rites required the participation of weavers of both genders, possibly be-
Cause of the special purifying properties attributed to wool. 404
Rituals of Hattian origin are distinguished by the presence of long mythological
Parts; magical actions and accompanying spells are ordinarily concealed in a narra-
Tion of mythological character or eise described casually. In any case, at least with
Regard to preserved texts, it seems that the repertory of magical teehniques applied
In the Hattian milieu was not as rieh as in the Luwian circles where early contacts
With northern Syria had tapped Syro-Mesopotamia’s rieh lore of magic. For example,
Substitution and impurity carriers are evidenced exclusively in rites derived
From the Luwian milieu (see beiow). The local Hattian tradition was focused
Mostly on analogic magic, as in the association made between spinning thread and
The length of life. The principle of binding and release was of significan.ce, finding
Engelhard 1970: off.; Pecchioli Daddi 1982: 581ff.; Beckman 1993; Haas 2003a; 16ff.
400 Ünal 1998: 67ff.; Haas 2001; 2003a; 14ff.
401 Süel - Sovsal 2007: 10, 16.
Klinger 1996: 638if.; cf. also Ankan 2004: 33ff.
403 KBo 24.93 üi 25, Pecchioli Daddi 2004: 364 with n. 40; Schu.ol 2004: 168; Ankan 2004: 36f,
Haas 2003a; 24f.
76
Hittite Anatolia
Reflection in incantations arid myths, as weil as for example in the symbolism of
vessels that magically ‘detained’ evil inside (cf. motif of bronze eauldrons Standing
in the ‘dark earth' frorn later versions of the myth about the disappearance of Teli-
Pinu, 3.2.9), but could also contain positive values. In one old myth, the Lands and
Feet of the Storm-god were stuek to the cup he held (see below). A ritual demon-
Strating ties with the Luwian milieu (CTH 416, see below) mentions whirling an
Eagle’s wing or swinging a live bird which was then let loose as a typieal form of
405
Cleansing, referring perhaps to the eagle’s role of divine messenger in mythology.
Linking myth with ritual should be seexi as the most important feature of early
Änatolian magic. 4 b Mythical recitations and spells brought the gods onto the stage,
engaging them in the ritual as guarantors of its effectiveness. " The psychological
Factor was not without significance, and equally so a positive impact on the imagi-
Nation and mind of participants. Mythological themes are cited in non-canonical
Versions, passed on orally in different variants or eise created on the spot by the
Person carrying out the ritual. Indeed, the relevant texts witness the process of myth
Gestation, stimulated by ritual needs. Cutting off the ties between myths and rites,
Which led to the canonization of myths and their transformation into literary cona-
Positions, did not begin to happen until the Empire period and concerned primarily
Myths of foreign origin (3.2.9).
Foundation rituals accompanying the construction of a new palace or temple be-
Longed to the Hattian tradition and served to protect a newly erected building and
Its residente from evil; they are therefore a rare example of protective magic in Hittite
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